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3. We had to pay fines for things we did not do and for violations we never committed.
Supporting documents are enclosed (see Supplements, Documents #53,54).
C). Draft Board has submitted me orders to appear sometimes every several days. I know that the compulsory military
service for people of my age, who never were in the army in any country before, was not practicing. I do not think that they
had intentions to take me to the army anyway. But they called me to appear there so often that it distorted my whole life
and became an obstacle for work or social activity. I had also to spend a lot of money for bus tickets to appear at draft
board, at Tel-ha-Shomer. They also refused to give me a permission to leave the country during more then 3 years.
Supporting documents are enclosed (see Supplements, Documents #55). They were also presented to the
commissioners.
D). I could not say that the whole issue with my wife's eternal passport ("Tehudat Zehut") - during the refugee hearing
was a well-coordinated with the Israeli side provocation (conspiracy) only because I have no material proof. But there are
a lot of coincidences and indications in favor of such a suggestion. When (first I, and later my wife) we were given
"Tehudat Zehuts", clerks told us that this document is the property of Israeli government and do not has to be shown to
any foreigner or taken abroad. I knew many other Russian-speaking people who were told the same. Even Mrs. Malka, the
immigration officer, has to recognize the existence of this regulation (please, listen to immigration hearings tapes, the last
hearing), but she suggested that (as some of Russian speaking people did) we had to violate the law and to bring
(smuggle!) our "Tehudat Zehuts" to Canada illegally!
When the day of our departure from Israel came, we had completely forgotten about this regulation, and our "Tehudat
Zehuts" among other papers were taken to airport. That happened because for us it was a tremendous moment. (Only a
person with sick imagination could suggest that a family like ours could take a hard decision to fly a country where we
(nominally, but...) were citizens and spent more then 3 years just because of economic reasons or "exaggerations"). Car, in
which I was with my friend Igor Puchinsky (my family went to airport in another car before me) was stopped at the military
post by a solder - a Moroccan origin. He told us to get out from the car and to show our identities. I had only my foreign
passport (my "Tehudat Zehut" was with my wife). He began to shout on me and threaten me by an arrest "because I had
no Israeli ID". He claimed that the foreign passport is considered in Israel as a document for departure only and does not
recognized as an ID. He told that a real ID is only "Tehudat Zehut", which is not permitted to be taken abroad. And he
said that he suspect me in an attempt to smuggle my "Tehudat Zehut" abroad. May be my friend Mr. Puchinski's
respectability, may be the intervention of the officer- an European origin, helped, but I was released. This incident
reminded us that we still have "Tehudat Zehuts" with us. From another hand, even if we had an intention to smuggle
them, we were too much afraid, and we destroyed them in airport.
This I told Mrs. Malka during our last immigration hearing.
(Any one, who had a chance to hold in hands an Israeli "internal passport" ("tehudat zehut") had a chance to notice that
there are not one but two nationality-related marks in it: one is the brutal disclosure of the genetically-related information
about a person, another one mentions his country of origin. Even if Mrs. Malka or her parents do not possess one, she
held Israeli passports of refugee claimants in her hands - and knows that. It is also obvious that Israeli regulations oblige
people to carry "tehudat zehuts" everywhere with them. It was understandable from the context of our immigration claim
and even more clear from the context of the discussions during the hearings that not the first (genetically-related) mark in
"tehudat zehuts" but the second one (the country of origin) actually corresponds to the described by us events. Artificially
replacing the first by the second one Mrs. Malka already used a non-conventional, unacceptable "method". But she
committed even more severe violations in this question by other methods - as I explain in next documents).
I do not know if there were precedents of contacts between IRB and the Israeli embassy when the similar issue was
raised, but I could name dozens of examples when this issue was raised during immigration hearings, and no requests
were sent to the Israeli embassy. Anyway, this is such a rare and exceptional measure that only an exceptional need could
justify it. In reality there were no needs in that at all (see Group of Documents #4, Document 3). No event was based on
indication of nationality in my wife's "Tehudat Zehut", no event related to this indication was discussed during our
immigration hearings.
Mrs. Malka based her decision to send a request to Israeli embassy on Mrs. Broder's faken translation of my wife's birth
certificate. Mrs. Broder already distorted or sabotaged translations of all documents of my case: from my refugee claim to
newspapers' articles. This is why there were no doubts that she did it on purpose. There are two logical questions: If it
was not a well-coordinated with Mrs. Malka or the Israeli side provocation, then why Mrs. Broder distorted the translation
of my wife's birth certificate only, but not mine or my mother's, or the shildren's? If it was not a well coordinated with Mrs.
Malka or the Israeli side provocation, then why Mrs. Broder did this translation at all since two official translations of our
birth certificates already existed? I also ask the Federal court to investigate where the original of my wife's birth certificate
translation (that we made in Israel before coming to Canada) is kept now. (We gave the original of my wife's birth
certificate and the original of its translation through Maitre Dore to the IRB in relation with that question. We got my wife's
certificate back only after more then half a year but never got back the translation. The point was that Mrs. Eleonora
Broder had no need to translate my wife's birth certificate at all since a professionally-made and exclusively-looking
official translation already existed and was given to my lawyer before. By suspending this translation, somebody did an
attempt to destroy evidences of Mrs. Broder's sabotage. (See also Maitre Dore's note and a copy of existed before Mrs.
Broder's translation legal translation of my wife's birth certificate: Supplements, Documents #57,58,59 ).
By sending such a request to Israeli embassy Mrs. Malka violated 3 main principles, on which the legal status of refugee
claimants' immigration hearings are based. She:
a) Reported to Israel about our refugee claim in Canada, what is unacceptable and goes in contradiction with the very
essence of International human rights charters and conventions about refugees. b) Used situational blackmail in violation
of the criminal code to extort my wife's signature under a document (authorization of request), which authorization was
against my wife's personal interests and interests of her family because gave Israelis an additional reason to persecute
us and put our lives under an additional danger. c) Violated the principle of neutrality and non-approval of non-democratic,
racist laws, which existed in 2-3 countries in the World, because Israeli passport regulations about the indication of
nationality in eternal passports are in deep conflict with Canadian rules and the principles of Canadian democracy; she
also breached of our confidence to Canadian government abusing our belief that no part of our confidential statements to
Canadian immigration as well as the very fact of our refugee claim in Canada could not be betrayed to Israeli government.
In my opinion Mrs. Malka also abused her power as an immigration officer violating the border of distinctions between the
criminal court and the Immigration Board. As Maitre Dore correctly pointed (see Supplements, Document #57 ), Mrs.
Malka's interpretation of the answer, which was given by Israeli side revealed her clear partiality because she reject in
advance any other versions (interpretations). In her response to Maitre Dore's letter she repeatedly pointed to Israel's
answer as to an absolute. In the same time she could not ignore other eventualities (because they are obvious): that
Israelis could take advantage of giving that answer as a revenge on me, or that the Ministry's of Eternal Affairs record
was different from what was written in my wife's passport, or that it is just a mistake (Israel is well-known as a country,
where bureaucratic mistakes, casualties or disorders became a norm (please, read, for example, Efraim Sivela's book
"Stop the airplane, I have to go out!", "Stav", Jerusalem, 1979). She was not aware even by the fact that the answer from
Israeli embassy was incomplete, and (from some points of view) suspicious. It means that she rejected another main
principle of justice - presumption of innocence, replacing it by presumption of guilt!
E). There were many tiny events of administrative terror against us in Israel like sanctions at school or in kindergarten,
such as these, which described in our refugee claim, illegal and unfair sanctions made by the owners of apartments,
unfair decisions against us made by House Committee, and so on.
The administrative terror, which we faced in Israel, turned our life in Israel into a nightmare. It was unbearable and
tormenting in itself, but we also faced physical abuses, assaults, discrimination, and batteries. This is why the health of all
members of my family was so much affected.
These sanctions would be in force immediately from the very moment of our arrival again if we would be removed back to
Israel. It had to be absolutely clear to the commissioners!
But in case of our arrival we could expect this time more severe sanctions because of the next reasons. 1-st: authorities'
attitude towards us were constantly changing to the worse during our life in Israel, and came to the most dangerous for
us point just to the moment of our departure for Canada. If we would be sent back, this attitude would not start from
"zero" (it was not zero even in 1991!), but would continue the most tense period of 1994. 2-nd: after our refugee claim in
Canada and my complains to the human rights organizations we could not expect that the Israeli authorities would like me
more now. This is why I am so sure about more severe sanctions:
1. Imprisonment within days or weeks since our arrival.
2. Forcible "treatment" inside a special mental hospital, where some political activists are placed. (Rabbi Meshulam,
leader of an upraise in a town Igud, told me over the phone about existence of such hospitals).
3. Imprisonment inside one of Mossad's secret cells.
4. Children's separation from us, parents.
5. Confiscation of our foreign passports, so that we would never been able to leave Israel any more.
1.5. INHUMAN TREATMENT
If we did not face inhuman treatment in Israel we would not come to Canada to claim a refugee status. (As - by the way
thousands of other Russian speaking peoples. Only by the very number of Russian-speaking refugee claimants from
Israel to the Western countries a conclusion could be made that they are not "economic refugees". And the economical
situation in Israel is not so bad, too!). We came not because of the economic reasons. We did not escape from hunger or
from extreme poverty. First two-three months in Israel we were in a shock because of what happened to us and because
of the general social atmosphere in the country. But we could not go back to our native country, and we were ready to
stay in Israel forever. When we discovered that a permission to leave the country is refused for me, we began to try even
harder to accommodate in Israel. We did everything to use to Israeli society, to find our place within it. This was already
discussed during our immigration hearings - when I said that we tried our best in our attempts to live in Israel.
In their negative decision IRB members did not expressed any principle doubt in the events, which we described in our
refugee claim. They even recognized in one sentence that some negative "reactions" causing conflicts could be expected
from ultra-orthodox towards people, who (as mention the IRB members avoiding word "respect" but mentioning it) do not
respect their supervision.
During the immigration hearings the immigration officer spoke about events of inhuman treatment, which we faced in
Israel, in a humiliating manner. The same manner, absolutely identical, presents in the negative decision. Humiliation
appeared because of their attitude towards severe inhuman treatment like assaults and batteries as towards minor
events. They discussed, mentioned, or described inhuman treatment, which we faced in Israel, as well as our reaction to
it, as something humorous. They let us know that we took such events too seriously, and, if we could take them lighter, it
could prevent other similar events. But I am absolutely sure that if the IRB members could find themselves on our place,
their reaction could not be different from our.
After everything that happened to us in Israel, after characteristics, which I got in Israel as an "enemy", after contacts
between Montreal's Immigration Board with Israelis, after their negative decision, which defining me as a dangerous
"exaggerator" and "found me guilty" in "spreading slender" against Israel, what other treatment except of inhuman could
we expect in Israel?
1.6.RESUME
In this document I explained why my family, and me - we would be not like other people if removed to Israel: because my
personal confrontation with Israeli political structures began long before we were taken to Israel, because we did not want
to go to the state of Israel and were taken there against our will, because of the scandal at the Central railway station in
Warsaw, because I refused to cooperate with Mossad, because in Israel I became relatively well-known for my articles
against human rights violation in Israel and was defined by Israeli authorities as an "enemy", because our personalities
are not compatible to Israeli society, because we do not practicing Judaism, and because of a number of other reasons,
which were described in that document.
Our 3 years in Canada proved that I am not a pathological troublemaker. 3 years in Canada could show that we could live
avoiding conflicts, respecting the laws and regulations, and quickly accommodating. My children are good students, they
have a lot of friends, and they are completely suitable to the local society. My older daughter is an advanced piano player,
and she passed exams at McGill University with the best mark. My younger daughter is a talented ballerina, her pictures
are everywhere in Ballet studios, she is an advanced dancer, and she also was chosen to enter the National Ballet School
in Toronto from dozens of other pretendents. Their French is nice and literary, they also advanced in English. And we are
not on welfare any more! We could be peaceful and useful members of the local society if we would be given a chance to
stay here. (Group of documents # 4 in Supplements are corresponding to this paragraph).
THIS IS THE BEST PROOF THAT OUR TROUBLES IN ISRAEL ERUPTED NOT BECAUSE IT WAS OUR FAULT (as the
commissioners tried to show), AND NOT IN RESULT OF OUR "EXAGGERATIONS"! WE FACED PERSECUTIONS IN
ISRAEL BECAUSE OF OBJECTIVE REASONS AND COULD NOT GO BACK BECAUSE OF RISK TO LIFE, EXTREME
SANCTIONS, AND INHUMAN TREATMENT. OUR REMOVAL TO ISRAEL WOULD BRING US TO A TRAGIC END.
Theoretical suggestions if people like us could face a tragic end (without figuring out the impact our personal claim
events: as commissioners did) in Israel are completely useless in our case because our case and our personalities are
unique.
Please, give us a chance to stay here, because if we would be removed back to Israel lives of my children, my wife, my
mother, and my life, would be terminated! Please, do not send us towards tragic end. Try to understand your full
responsibility for what will happen if we would be sent back to Israel.
1.7. MY FINAL STATEMENT
As the most honest people I am not impudently self-confidential. I might be shocked by aggressive and ironical
interrogators (as Mrs. Malka): but this is just one more proof of my honesty and innocence. To support our refugee claim
we presented to the Immigration Board so many documentary proofs as probably no refugee claimants in Canadian
Immigration's history! All of them, including legal, and medical documents, official correspondence and newspapers'
articles, related to me, other documents, were ignored, and only one document was considered as "non-related" without
any reasonable explanations. If the forces, which acted against us, could encourage such an outraged injustice and unfair
treatment of us even here, in Canada, in Israel they could eliminate us for sure. Sending us to Israel you must realize that
you send us to death. Removal to Israel means for us a death penalty. But Canada has no death penalty even in
Canadian criminal code! ! ! Especially, for children! I ask you to think about it while composing you final decision. Please...
Sincerely yours,
Lev Gunin
Next Document
PREVIOUS DOCUMENT: DOCUMENT 1 FROM DOCUMENTS
Four Mrs. Louis-Phillippe SIMARD, Manager, Post Determination Review
FROM Lev GUNIN (FILE Number 2948-6524/ 95/76/23/18
ID: 3082-7125/7174/7220/7231/7317/ )
DOCUMENT NUMBER 2
2.1. I was in grade 9, when voluntarism and vulnerability of my class teacher, PERFILOVA Maria Michajlovna, converted me from a good school pupil and a promising
young musician into a person without future, persecuted by KGB. She was a communist party member and an outraged careerist. She took one of my school essays
and took it to KGB. She also made an open public court over me at the school, not waiting for KGB command. Officially KGB rejected her accusations. They found
nothing, which could be considered as anti-Sovetism, in my composition. But in ex-USSR an obstruction, which Perfilova made me at school, and the very fact that she
was in KGB building to report on me was enough to devastate my whole life and to cause what it caused. It is also possible that rejecting Perfilova (what made her
insane) they secretly put my name on their black list already by then.
2.2. I was prevented from becoming a student of a Music College or university, and later, when I entered music studies by a miracle and graduated, I was prevented
from a good musical carrier. In 1979 I was brutally beaten because of an order from KGB. During many years my social and professional status, my health, my privacy,
my security, even my freedom and my life were every minute under a threat. Nobody knows what I came through -, and did not become an alcoholic, or sadist, and
never violated any criminal rule.
2.3. Because I felt more secure among other persecuted people, I started to cooperate with a number of human rights groups and movements and with some other
groups and organizations. Most of them were non-conformist art and poetry \ prose groups. I formed my own poetry circle where I was a leader. I also organized a
movement in opposition to ideologically motivated demolition or levelation of Bobruysk's 18-19 century architecture, mostly Jewish. I organized mass photographing
of the center of Bobruysk. The local authorities have unofficially forbidden that. "Militia" several times arrested my supporters, and me, our photo films were
confiscated. Only in the end of 1980-s I contacted Mr. V. Senderov, Mr. V. Batcshev, Mrs. Elena Bonner and other world-famous dissidents and human rights activists,
and also correspondents of the west media in Moscow. Only by then I already had permanent contacts with some representatives of foreign parliaments and
embassies, but never with any intelligence. I also maintained close cooperation with two different forces: Frankfurt-based NTS and National Front of Belarus.
2.4. As a person who was deeply involved in the cultural self-determination process of the Soviet Jews I also was the first activist in Belarus, who combined several
goals together. They were: studies of Yiddish and Hebrew languages and the Jewish history, revitalization of Bobruysk's Jewish cultural and historical heritage,
restoration of Jewish religious community, foundation of a Jewish club, newspaper, theatre, and schools. Nobody - except me - believed by then that it might be
possible. My poetry in Yiddish was published in "Sovetisch Hiemland" (Moscow) and "Der Arbeiter Stimme" (Warsaw). I also became a co-editor of one underground
Jewish magazine, based in Minsk. I also became known in cultural circles in Moscow and Leningrad (St.-Petersburg). I maintained contacts with the most famous
personalities like composer D. Shostakovich, poet A. Voznesensky, singers like V. Tolkunova, or L. Leshchenko, and others. In Minsk (where I studied and worked 2
times a week) I maintained almost close relationship with the whole cultural elite: composers (D.Smolski, L. Obeliovich, G. Vagner, U. Semeniako, and others),
historians (Tarasov, Zenon Pozdniak (later leader of the National Front), V. Posse, my relative, A. Gritzkievich, O. Dadiomova), pop-rock musicians, and so on.
2.5. During short periods of time (in 1986-87) it looked like persecutions against me were suspended or lightened. But in the same period of time I started to be
persecuted by another political force - by Israeli missionary stuff in Minsk and Bobruysk. By that time my brother Vitaly - a talented painter and brilliant businessman
organized one of the first free ("capitalist") enterprises in Belarus. I was an administrator of one of its section, which arranged invitation of famous artists for tours in
Minsk and Bobruysk. So, my brother, Mr. Pinchas Plotkin, an Yiddish poet, I, Mr. Marat Kurtzer, and Igor Gorelik - we formed a first circle, which achieved good results in
restoring Jewish life in Bobruysk. A course of Yiddish, a library, a club, and other activities became a reality and refreshed the local Jewish life. This was what Israelis
did not want to allow. They wanted to eliminate the whole Jewish social and cultural life in ex-USSR. They suggested that if life in USSR would become non-attractive
for the Jews, they could more easily leave for Israel. They also did everything to terrify Jewish population by rumors about pogroms, and by other exaggerations.
Missioners like J. EDEL, Arie ROTENBERG, or Dorit HE came to USSR to arrange total control over the local Jewish life and to put down any competitive power. I new
dozens of other missioners who came to Minsk and Bobruysk to devastate local Jewish life and to jeopardize mass migration to Israel. They often expressed their
hatred towards Soviet Jews.
2.6. Israelis started to build their own activist infrastructure, alternative to ours. They attracted young aggressive careerists, convincing them that they are totally
protected, could commit any crimes - and go unpunished. Those boys and girls in their 20-s like Boris Kagan, Dmitry Levin, Vova Kazinetz, Z. Fridburg and others were
nothing without Israeli leadership. Their local leader became Ilia Rodov, my brother's school colleague. Rodov became a known local figure only because my
brother's, and my help. My brother Vitaly helped him in everything during their studies at the Art College, he presented Rodov to prominent and influential people, and
even helped him by giving him money or work at his enterprise. Rodov was a well-known collaborationist: he cooperated with the communist authorities. He also was
considered in intellectual circles as KGB informer and "comsomol" activist. He often accused and "denounced" Jewish "nationalists." But very soon he rapidly
changed his views, expressing interest to Yiddish culture (when the group of Yiddishists was the most powerful in Bobruysk). When the influence of Israelis
increased, he rapidly changed his opinion again "denouncing" Yiddish and calling to "forget Yiddish and study Hebrew." He was supported not only by Israelis, but by
the local communist authorities as well.
2.7. Even by then I already suspected close cooperation between Israelis -and local communist authorities. When Bobruysk was a military zone, and a special
authorization was needed for foreigners to visit that city, Israelis went to Bobruysk easily. They also had free meetings with people, which was impossible for any other
foreigners, for example, for Finish Baptist missioners. They openly called people to emigrate to Israel using lie, deception, threats and profanation. They did
everything to discredit my group, and me. Rodov's group has the full freedom to operate and to work with people. We were stopped by the authorities, disrupted and
persecuted. Supported by the communists Rodov announced himself as a chairman, avoiding open and free elections and his followers formed local "Jewish
council." People - like me - who restored the Jewish life and created the Jewish club, were expelled from that life and from that club.
2.8. As soon as they seized the power, "Rodovers" started to suppress all activities and cultural events in the Jewish society. They ruined everything that we created:
very soon, including Yiddish course and all other courses and activities. They concentrated only on pro-Israeli propaganda and propaganda of immigration to Israel,
Hebrew course and religious propaganda. When religious in Israel became the most influential force in institutions, which maintained work among potential immigrants
in USSR, Rodov supporters converted themselves into ultra-orthodox. (Before that they were fighting atheists). They also used to confiscate the huge wave of help,
gifts, money, which was streaming from the west Jewish communities to Soviet Jews. They have stolen about one thousand valuable gift sets from Baptist community
of Finland to the local Jewish community. That gift was handed over through Iakov Gutman, an independent from Israelis leader of Minsk's Jews, to me. The sets were
given for free delivery. I wanted to deliver them directly from my home to the people in exchange of their signatures in confirmation that they got them free. But Rodov's
group forced me (and Iakov Gutman) to hand them over to the club, using dirty manipulations. Rodov and his group sold the sets as their private property. They openly
violated the criminal code not only by then. They also robbed our Jewish library 2 times, they threaten people by death, they corrupted local officials, and they
demanded money from people for information about Israel and for Israeli visas. They also demanded money for the "club needs", threatening people that - if they
would refuse, they would be punished in Israel. Israelis also paid them for their services. In ex-USSR, where an imported TV with video could be almost as valuable as
an apartment, they got expensive valuable things from Israelis as gifts. I suspect that they were paid by money, too. A special telephone number was given to Rodov,
which enabled him to call Israeli embassy in Moscow and to Israel for free (according to his own words, and I believe that it was true).
2.9. Rodov and co "punished" me in different ways. They spread discreditible rumors against me, they posed intrigues against me at my work, they threaten me, they
did so, that I was not invited any more to play in restaurants, on wedding parties, in dancing clubs, and so on, they tried to confront my wife with me. I am absolutely sure
that Rodov's actions against me were correlated with the persecutions, which I faced from the local authorities. In Minsk I used to visit Mr. Garik Chajtovich, - my friend
and a kind person. He was a Jewish activist and Hebrew teacher. Practically all the Israeli missioners have visited him. I met few high-ranked Israeli representatives
through Garik or in his place several times and spoke to them. I tried to convince them that they should stop supporting odious persons like Rodov and to stop
suppressing the development of Jewish cultural life in USSR. They usually answered that their priority is to convince people to leave for Israel, and they do not care
about anything else. But one time I got an unusual answer. The man who gave it to me was a very important person. I could admit how Garik respect and treat him.
Even Israelis who were with this man obeyed him. He told me that I have to stop talking about such things. He also told me that he has a pity to me because, according
to him, I would pay a high price for my "nihilism" and freethinking, my family, my relatives would suffer, and my life will become miserable...
2.10. Because with time people were convinced that Rodov is a crook, and were too angry on him, I, brothers Strupinsky, Marat Kurtzer and others took the power in our
own hands, discharging Rodov and his company. Only then I understood very soon that the problem was not in Rodov. Without him Israelis have found other ways to
achieve their goals. And very soon my position became as weak as before. Israelis also took revenge in Minsk, displacing Iakov Gutman, the main figure in
opposition to their policy in Belarus.
Now nothing might stop them from forcible (in the deeper sense) transportation of hundred of thousands Jews from Belarus to Israel.
2.11. From 1988 my brother's health became more and more bad. He has a blood cancer, but I was sure that his disease was caused because he was exposed to
radiation. During many month doctors Kustanovich (she died recently in USA from cancer), Cherny and Petrusha did not report Vitaly's bad blood tests. They also
accused him in simulating to "avoid military service" and threaten to kill him. Since he became sick I fought to get his true diagnose and to win an appropriate treatment
for him. In the end of 1987 we understood that for saving my brother's life we have to move to one of the West countries. I tried to get an immigration visa to US, but
America was "closed" very soon because of a treaty, which Israel demanded: about leaving the only one way for Soviet Jews - only to Israel. I also tried to get a visa
in the German embassy, but it was too late. Then we had to request a visa only from Israel. We did all necessary steps to obtain it, but we did not get any visas.
Hundreds of people whom I helped to get visas (I told them that I do not recommend them to go to Israel, but they kept asking me with passion, and I helped them) got
them, but not my brother and me. Even Genady Shulman, one from the Rodov's group, who was kind to us and arranged visas for thousands of people, could not
obtain visas for my brother, and me. I went to Moscow, to Israeli embassy, where they knew me very good as one of the activists and where I always had an access to,
and spoke to Ambassador Mr. Levin, but without any result.
In 1988 Israel have submitted special visas-invitations for Jewish activists for a free trip to Israel. In spite of my detestation of Rodov I phoned him in an attempt to save
my brother's life (because he composed a list of names for these invitations). "What did your brother did for the Jewish movement, for Zionism? - he asked. Avoiding
tensions I did not tell him that my brother did for Rodov more then he deserved and that my brother put his business under a risk organizing Jewish events when the
local authorities did not approve them. I only asked him about compassion. "There are more valuable things then human life, - he responded. Later I had a chance to
see what these things are. Nobody from Rodov's group went to Israel with that free invitation, only Rodov's father went to Israel because he did small speculation trade
under the table, and used that occasion as a shield...
In August, 1989 my brother, and me, we went to Poland, where a blood test, which was made to him, had shown strange processes in his organism. In September I
started a new Jewish magazine "Vos Herzach?" and participated in a current issue of "CONTACT." My brother Vitaly gave his cafй (he was the owner) again for the
Jewish club meeting. In September also came a telephone threat that my brother Vitaly would die. In January 1990 another person called and told the same.
2.12. When in 1989 first letters began to arrive from those who already settled in Israel, their relatives discovered that Russian speaking people are persecuted in
Israel, that Israelis hate us and treat us as second-class people, many of the Jews in Bobruysk cancelled their tickets and visas. It seemed to be a total disaster for
Israeli plan to capture half a million or more Soviet Jews. But they have found a solution very soon. Somebody began to spread rumors about possible pogroms.
Every day brought a "reliable" information that Jews are in danger. Jewish cemeteries were vandalized everywhere. By that time I was a member of a group that
investigated this wave of vandalism. Most active members in that group were Baltic Jews. A small Baptist team and NTS representatives also participated. We
discovered that vandalism started in west regions of USSR and moved chronologically from the Northwest to Southeast. Pogroms in Muslim region were not known. It
was absolutely clear that a team of "vandals" traveled by train from town to town, from city to city, starting from Riga. They had a steady pace, so, Soviet authorities (if
they would want to stop hooligans) could figure out very easy where should be their next stop and next pogrom - and catch them. But the authorities did not want to stop
them. Israelis also used different methods to calm down information about vandalism. I personally (as well as others) took the description of our conclusions about
vandalism to Israeli embassy, but they became furious and refused to send this information to Israeli press. I have submitted the description about vandalism against
Jewish cemeteries (without our conclusion) to Washington Post and Chicago Tribune correspondents in Moscow, as well as to Israeli newspapers (enclosing photos
of vandalized graves), but no newspaper outside USSR published this information. I was sure that Israelis used their influence to prevent newspapers from that
publication. I was even more convinced about Israeli involvement when such a pogrom happened in my native town. Graves that related to non pro-Israeli activists'
were mainly targeted, when pro-Israeli families' graves were not touched. My father's grave was vandalized, the monument was broken.
2.13. I informed US president's special representative, Mr. Nikolai Petro, that Israelis are using illegal methods to force people to leave USSR for Israel. I also
contacted several US diplomats including Mrs. Daria Arturovna Fein. I met Daria Arturovna at hotel "Ukraine" in Moscow. She took a look at the photos and asked if
they are not a fake. I told her that I could give her an original film from which the photos were made. And I gave the film to her. She held the film several minutes in her
hands. I saw that she is trembling. After some hesitation she gave the film and the photos back to me, refusing to admit them and giving no explanations. I told to
prominent personalities in Frankfurt, in Warsaw and in Paris about these acts of vandalism, but they could not organize even a single publication.
2.14. In January-February 1990 I came to Paris hoping to obtain a visa for my brother. I was warmly welcomed by all Jewish organizations in Paris and Lion, which I
visited, and also by Russian immigrants' organizations, including NTS. They gave me money, shelters, they bought me train tickets to Lion several times. My French
friends also helped me a lot. I could not tell Jews that I do not want go to Israel. They supported Israel's plan to get from half to one million people from USSR. To justify
my request for help in obtaining the French visa for my brother I told them that during almost 2 years we could not get an Israeli visa. After that some leaders of the
Jewish organizations in Paris, including M-me Helman from COJASOR, proposed me their mediation in my request for an Israeli visa. They told me that Jewish
communities in France have collected so much money for Israel, that Israelis must listen to them. M-me Helman and others arranged a meeting for me with Israelis in
Israeli embassy. A visa for me and for my brother had to be given for me there. I knew that local AVIR in Bobruysk could not accept a visa, which came not by mail, and
could not give us a permission to leave USSR. But I had no solution. When I came to Israeli embassy, which situated down the Le Sacrй Coeur de Monmartre, they did
not let me in. I called the doorbell, and also phoned them several times with no result.
2.15. My brother Vitaly tragically died in May 1990. Half a year after his death I discovered just occasionally that the Jewish community in Lion have collected money for
his treatment and have submitted a medical treatment visa for him. This visa was confiscated by the Soviet authorities.... After his death I did not need an Israeli visa
any more - because I never wanted to immigrate, and from 1987 I understood very well that my place is not in Israel. Before my brother's death we sold some of our
property and did other steps expecting a visa from Israel, but now we suspended all such steps.
2.16. One day - when Rodov already left for Israel - one former "Rodovetz" called my doorbell when my wife was at work. I opened the door, and then he told me that
he missed my door with somebody else's. In that very moment another person have approached. He asked, "is Gunin lives here?". I recognized him. Living near KGB
building I often saw him entering it. I also saw him at the Jewish club where he was with Mr. Sheremetiev, local UKGB chairman. Ilia Rodov has invited him by then to the
club to read a lecture. Later I saw this man (who came to visit me) with Rodov in Bobruysk as minimum two times. He started to speak to me without entering my
apartment. He told me that I have to quit USSR for Israel within two months. He said that this decision about me is non-reversible and can not be appealed. I was so
terrified that I could not speak. But I only asked him what about Israeli visa. "Visa budet"" ("visa will come"), he told in response. And he also told me that I should go
directly to Israel, without tricks. 2 days after visas started to arrive. All visas - a whole package, - which were suspended before, came in 2 envelopes (see
Supplements, Documents # 20, a,b,c,d,e, etc. - total number is 11).. Where these visas were and who kept them, I do not know, but it convinced me that the
situation is very serious, and I must go. When after two months we did not leave USSR yet, such terrible, even monstrous events occurred that I understood: I must go.
2.17. It did not mean that I agreed to go to Israel. I secretly asked my friends in Poland to meet me at the Central Railway Station in Warsaw. I had to try to visit foreign
embassies in Warsaw, and, if it could give nothing, then we had to go to Germany (my friends had to buy us tickets to Frankfurt). When our train came to Warsaw, and
my Polish friends already approached to the wagon, a group of unknown people surrounded and captured us. One of them, probably chairman, spoke Polish with a
Hebrew accent. It was a big man in his middle ages. Mostly he spoke to me, and also an aggressive woman.
They were ready to take us with them immediately by physical force, but only the presence of my Polish friends made them hesitating. I am sure that they started
negotiations with us only to win the time: they probably used it to find out through Mossad sources who are my friends and what they able to do. They probably also
wanted to find out what consequences Israelis would have in case of an eventual scandal, what tactics to use against us, and what their supervisors recommended.
They disagree immediately to let us go with my friends. Meanwhile my friends called 2 Polish policemen. I told the policemen that I do not want go to Israel, I asked for
their help. The policemen told me that if I was agree to obtain Israeli visa - then I probably must go to Israel. Then I shown them a temporary visa for staying in Poland 3
days, and told them that only after 3 days I might be expelled from Poland, and not by Israelis... The policemen then went to hear what Israelis could say them. I did not
hear what they discussed - because they moved farther from me (my family stayed with the Israelis as hostages while I spoke to policemen), but when they finished
talking, the policemen left. We were taken to a hotel, completely surrounded and guarded by Israelis, from where we could not escape, and then - to the airport.
So, my family, and me, we were taken to Israel by force, against our will, this was a captivity! Israel is not our country. Our native country is Belarus, and we still consider
ourselves as citizens of Belarus. We are not Israeli citizens because that citizenship was thrust on us.
NOTE: I could support this statement by my declarations, which I made, when I lived in ex-USSR and in Israel. You could see obviously that these declarations were
written many years ago or even make a criminological test to define their age. They are: 1) My declaration to the procuratories of the both districts of city Bobruysk
(Lenin and Pervomay), and to the General procuratory of Bobruysk, in which I tried to protest my ultimative deportation to Israel. (1990) 2) My declaration about Israel's
illegal activity in Belarus (1988-89). 3) My declaration to the Israeli authorities (1991-1994). Please, take it into considaration ! ! !
NEXT DOCUMENT: Document Number 3
PREVIOUS DOCUMENT: Document number 2
For Mr. Louis-Phillippe SIMARD, Manager, Post Determination Review
FROM Lev GUNIN
(FILE Number 2948-6524/ 95/76/23/18
ID: 3082-7125/7174/7220/7231/7317/)
DOCUMENT NUMBER 3
TRANSLATOR'S SABOTAGE
3.1.The very first time went to Mr. Le Brune's office when we were in a hotel for refugees (YMCA) yet.
3.2.We also came to Mrs. Broder's apartment to "complete the PIF" and to "compose the story" in November 1994.
3.3.I told Mrs. Broder that I have already composed my refugee claim. And gave her the text of my claim in Russian and in English. I refused
to cooperate with her in "composing the story." She was extremely persistent and ultimate, but also flexible and cunning in achieving her
goals. When she understood that she could not break my will not to participate in "composing the story," she told us to come later. Between
that and the next appointment my wife was worked upon by Lucy (our relative, whose negative attitude towards me in ex-USSR and in
Israel scared me a lot in the past) and by Mrs. Broder. They told her that all direct or indirect criticism of the state of Israel must be excluded
Supporting documents are enclosed (see Supplements, Documents #53,54).
C). Draft Board has submitted me orders to appear sometimes every several days. I know that the compulsory military
service for people of my age, who never were in the army in any country before, was not practicing. I do not think that they
had intentions to take me to the army anyway. But they called me to appear there so often that it distorted my whole life
and became an obstacle for work or social activity. I had also to spend a lot of money for bus tickets to appear at draft
board, at Tel-ha-Shomer. They also refused to give me a permission to leave the country during more then 3 years.
Supporting documents are enclosed (see Supplements, Documents #55). They were also presented to the
commissioners.
D). I could not say that the whole issue with my wife's eternal passport ("Tehudat Zehut") - during the refugee hearing
was a well-coordinated with the Israeli side provocation (conspiracy) only because I have no material proof. But there are
a lot of coincidences and indications in favor of such a suggestion. When (first I, and later my wife) we were given
"Tehudat Zehuts", clerks told us that this document is the property of Israeli government and do not has to be shown to
any foreigner or taken abroad. I knew many other Russian-speaking people who were told the same. Even Mrs. Malka, the
immigration officer, has to recognize the existence of this regulation (please, listen to immigration hearings tapes, the last
hearing), but she suggested that (as some of Russian speaking people did) we had to violate the law and to bring
(smuggle!) our "Tehudat Zehuts" to Canada illegally!
When the day of our departure from Israel came, we had completely forgotten about this regulation, and our "Tehudat
Zehuts" among other papers were taken to airport. That happened because for us it was a tremendous moment. (Only a
person with sick imagination could suggest that a family like ours could take a hard decision to fly a country where we
(nominally, but...) were citizens and spent more then 3 years just because of economic reasons or "exaggerations"). Car, in
which I was with my friend Igor Puchinsky (my family went to airport in another car before me) was stopped at the military
post by a solder - a Moroccan origin. He told us to get out from the car and to show our identities. I had only my foreign
passport (my "Tehudat Zehut" was with my wife). He began to shout on me and threaten me by an arrest "because I had
no Israeli ID". He claimed that the foreign passport is considered in Israel as a document for departure only and does not
recognized as an ID. He told that a real ID is only "Tehudat Zehut", which is not permitted to be taken abroad. And he
said that he suspect me in an attempt to smuggle my "Tehudat Zehut" abroad. May be my friend Mr. Puchinski's
respectability, may be the intervention of the officer- an European origin, helped, but I was released. This incident
reminded us that we still have "Tehudat Zehuts" with us. From another hand, even if we had an intention to smuggle
them, we were too much afraid, and we destroyed them in airport.
This I told Mrs. Malka during our last immigration hearing.
(Any one, who had a chance to hold in hands an Israeli "internal passport" ("tehudat zehut") had a chance to notice that
there are not one but two nationality-related marks in it: one is the brutal disclosure of the genetically-related information
about a person, another one mentions his country of origin. Even if Mrs. Malka or her parents do not possess one, she
held Israeli passports of refugee claimants in her hands - and knows that. It is also obvious that Israeli regulations oblige
people to carry "tehudat zehuts" everywhere with them. It was understandable from the context of our immigration claim
and even more clear from the context of the discussions during the hearings that not the first (genetically-related) mark in
"tehudat zehuts" but the second one (the country of origin) actually corresponds to the described by us events. Artificially
replacing the first by the second one Mrs. Malka already used a non-conventional, unacceptable "method". But she
committed even more severe violations in this question by other methods - as I explain in next documents).
I do not know if there were precedents of contacts between IRB and the Israeli embassy when the similar issue was
raised, but I could name dozens of examples when this issue was raised during immigration hearings, and no requests
were sent to the Israeli embassy. Anyway, this is such a rare and exceptional measure that only an exceptional need could
justify it. In reality there were no needs in that at all (see Group of Documents #4, Document 3). No event was based on
indication of nationality in my wife's "Tehudat Zehut", no event related to this indication was discussed during our
immigration hearings.
Mrs. Malka based her decision to send a request to Israeli embassy on Mrs. Broder's faken translation of my wife's birth
certificate. Mrs. Broder already distorted or sabotaged translations of all documents of my case: from my refugee claim to
newspapers' articles. This is why there were no doubts that she did it on purpose. There are two logical questions: If it
was not a well-coordinated with Mrs. Malka or the Israeli side provocation, then why Mrs. Broder distorted the translation
of my wife's birth certificate only, but not mine or my mother's, or the shildren's? If it was not a well coordinated with Mrs.
Malka or the Israeli side provocation, then why Mrs. Broder did this translation at all since two official translations of our
birth certificates already existed? I also ask the Federal court to investigate where the original of my wife's birth certificate
translation (that we made in Israel before coming to Canada) is kept now. (We gave the original of my wife's birth
certificate and the original of its translation through Maitre Dore to the IRB in relation with that question. We got my wife's
certificate back only after more then half a year but never got back the translation. The point was that Mrs. Eleonora
Broder had no need to translate my wife's birth certificate at all since a professionally-made and exclusively-looking
official translation already existed and was given to my lawyer before. By suspending this translation, somebody did an
attempt to destroy evidences of Mrs. Broder's sabotage. (See also Maitre Dore's note and a copy of existed before Mrs.
Broder's translation legal translation of my wife's birth certificate: Supplements, Documents #57,58,59 ).
By sending such a request to Israeli embassy Mrs. Malka violated 3 main principles, on which the legal status of refugee
claimants' immigration hearings are based. She:
a) Reported to Israel about our refugee claim in Canada, what is unacceptable and goes in contradiction with the very
essence of International human rights charters and conventions about refugees. b) Used situational blackmail in violation
of the criminal code to extort my wife's signature under a document (authorization of request), which authorization was
against my wife's personal interests and interests of her family because gave Israelis an additional reason to persecute
us and put our lives under an additional danger. c) Violated the principle of neutrality and non-approval of non-democratic,
racist laws, which existed in 2-3 countries in the World, because Israeli passport regulations about the indication of
nationality in eternal passports are in deep conflict with Canadian rules and the principles of Canadian democracy; she
also breached of our confidence to Canadian government abusing our belief that no part of our confidential statements to
Canadian immigration as well as the very fact of our refugee claim in Canada could not be betrayed to Israeli government.
In my opinion Mrs. Malka also abused her power as an immigration officer violating the border of distinctions between the
criminal court and the Immigration Board. As Maitre Dore correctly pointed (see Supplements, Document #57 ), Mrs.
Malka's interpretation of the answer, which was given by Israeli side revealed her clear partiality because she reject in
advance any other versions (interpretations). In her response to Maitre Dore's letter she repeatedly pointed to Israel's
answer as to an absolute. In the same time she could not ignore other eventualities (because they are obvious): that
Israelis could take advantage of giving that answer as a revenge on me, or that the Ministry's of Eternal Affairs record
was different from what was written in my wife's passport, or that it is just a mistake (Israel is well-known as a country,
where bureaucratic mistakes, casualties or disorders became a norm (please, read, for example, Efraim Sivela's book
"Stop the airplane, I have to go out!", "Stav", Jerusalem, 1979). She was not aware even by the fact that the answer from
Israeli embassy was incomplete, and (from some points of view) suspicious. It means that she rejected another main
principle of justice - presumption of innocence, replacing it by presumption of guilt!
E). There were many tiny events of administrative terror against us in Israel like sanctions at school or in kindergarten,
such as these, which described in our refugee claim, illegal and unfair sanctions made by the owners of apartments,
unfair decisions against us made by House Committee, and so on.
The administrative terror, which we faced in Israel, turned our life in Israel into a nightmare. It was unbearable and
tormenting in itself, but we also faced physical abuses, assaults, discrimination, and batteries. This is why the health of all
members of my family was so much affected.
These sanctions would be in force immediately from the very moment of our arrival again if we would be removed back to
Israel. It had to be absolutely clear to the commissioners!
But in case of our arrival we could expect this time more severe sanctions because of the next reasons. 1-st: authorities'
attitude towards us were constantly changing to the worse during our life in Israel, and came to the most dangerous for
us point just to the moment of our departure for Canada. If we would be sent back, this attitude would not start from
"zero" (it was not zero even in 1991!), but would continue the most tense period of 1994. 2-nd: after our refugee claim in
Canada and my complains to the human rights organizations we could not expect that the Israeli authorities would like me
more now. This is why I am so sure about more severe sanctions:
1. Imprisonment within days or weeks since our arrival.
2. Forcible "treatment" inside a special mental hospital, where some political activists are placed. (Rabbi Meshulam,
leader of an upraise in a town Igud, told me over the phone about existence of such hospitals).
3. Imprisonment inside one of Mossad's secret cells.
4. Children's separation from us, parents.
5. Confiscation of our foreign passports, so that we would never been able to leave Israel any more.
1.5. INHUMAN TREATMENT
If we did not face inhuman treatment in Israel we would not come to Canada to claim a refugee status. (As - by the way
thousands of other Russian speaking peoples. Only by the very number of Russian-speaking refugee claimants from
Israel to the Western countries a conclusion could be made that they are not "economic refugees". And the economical
situation in Israel is not so bad, too!). We came not because of the economic reasons. We did not escape from hunger or
from extreme poverty. First two-three months in Israel we were in a shock because of what happened to us and because
of the general social atmosphere in the country. But we could not go back to our native country, and we were ready to
stay in Israel forever. When we discovered that a permission to leave the country is refused for me, we began to try even
harder to accommodate in Israel. We did everything to use to Israeli society, to find our place within it. This was already
discussed during our immigration hearings - when I said that we tried our best in our attempts to live in Israel.
In their negative decision IRB members did not expressed any principle doubt in the events, which we described in our
refugee claim. They even recognized in one sentence that some negative "reactions" causing conflicts could be expected
from ultra-orthodox towards people, who (as mention the IRB members avoiding word "respect" but mentioning it) do not
respect their supervision.
During the immigration hearings the immigration officer spoke about events of inhuman treatment, which we faced in
Israel, in a humiliating manner. The same manner, absolutely identical, presents in the negative decision. Humiliation
appeared because of their attitude towards severe inhuman treatment like assaults and batteries as towards minor
events. They discussed, mentioned, or described inhuman treatment, which we faced in Israel, as well as our reaction to
it, as something humorous. They let us know that we took such events too seriously, and, if we could take them lighter, it
could prevent other similar events. But I am absolutely sure that if the IRB members could find themselves on our place,
their reaction could not be different from our.
After everything that happened to us in Israel, after characteristics, which I got in Israel as an "enemy", after contacts
between Montreal's Immigration Board with Israelis, after their negative decision, which defining me as a dangerous
"exaggerator" and "found me guilty" in "spreading slender" against Israel, what other treatment except of inhuman could
we expect in Israel?
1.6.RESUME
In this document I explained why my family, and me - we would be not like other people if removed to Israel: because my
personal confrontation with Israeli political structures began long before we were taken to Israel, because we did not want
to go to the state of Israel and were taken there against our will, because of the scandal at the Central railway station in
Warsaw, because I refused to cooperate with Mossad, because in Israel I became relatively well-known for my articles
against human rights violation in Israel and was defined by Israeli authorities as an "enemy", because our personalities
are not compatible to Israeli society, because we do not practicing Judaism, and because of a number of other reasons,
which were described in that document.
Our 3 years in Canada proved that I am not a pathological troublemaker. 3 years in Canada could show that we could live
avoiding conflicts, respecting the laws and regulations, and quickly accommodating. My children are good students, they
have a lot of friends, and they are completely suitable to the local society. My older daughter is an advanced piano player,
and she passed exams at McGill University with the best mark. My younger daughter is a talented ballerina, her pictures
are everywhere in Ballet studios, she is an advanced dancer, and she also was chosen to enter the National Ballet School
in Toronto from dozens of other pretendents. Their French is nice and literary, they also advanced in English. And we are
not on welfare any more! We could be peaceful and useful members of the local society if we would be given a chance to
stay here. (Group of documents # 4 in Supplements are corresponding to this paragraph).
THIS IS THE BEST PROOF THAT OUR TROUBLES IN ISRAEL ERUPTED NOT BECAUSE IT WAS OUR FAULT (as the
commissioners tried to show), AND NOT IN RESULT OF OUR "EXAGGERATIONS"! WE FACED PERSECUTIONS IN
ISRAEL BECAUSE OF OBJECTIVE REASONS AND COULD NOT GO BACK BECAUSE OF RISK TO LIFE, EXTREME
SANCTIONS, AND INHUMAN TREATMENT. OUR REMOVAL TO ISRAEL WOULD BRING US TO A TRAGIC END.
Theoretical suggestions if people like us could face a tragic end (without figuring out the impact our personal claim
events: as commissioners did) in Israel are completely useless in our case because our case and our personalities are
unique.
Please, give us a chance to stay here, because if we would be removed back to Israel lives of my children, my wife, my
mother, and my life, would be terminated! Please, do not send us towards tragic end. Try to understand your full
responsibility for what will happen if we would be sent back to Israel.
1.7. MY FINAL STATEMENT
As the most honest people I am not impudently self-confidential. I might be shocked by aggressive and ironical
interrogators (as Mrs. Malka): but this is just one more proof of my honesty and innocence. To support our refugee claim
we presented to the Immigration Board so many documentary proofs as probably no refugee claimants in Canadian
Immigration's history! All of them, including legal, and medical documents, official correspondence and newspapers'
articles, related to me, other documents, were ignored, and only one document was considered as "non-related" without
any reasonable explanations. If the forces, which acted against us, could encourage such an outraged injustice and unfair
treatment of us even here, in Canada, in Israel they could eliminate us for sure. Sending us to Israel you must realize that
you send us to death. Removal to Israel means for us a death penalty. But Canada has no death penalty even in
Canadian criminal code! ! ! Especially, for children! I ask you to think about it while composing you final decision. Please...
Sincerely yours,
Lev Gunin
Next Document
PREVIOUS DOCUMENT: DOCUMENT 1 FROM DOCUMENTS
Four Mrs. Louis-Phillippe SIMARD, Manager, Post Determination Review
FROM Lev GUNIN (FILE Number 2948-6524/ 95/76/23/18
ID: 3082-7125/7174/7220/7231/7317/ )
DOCUMENT NUMBER 2
2.1. I was in grade 9, when voluntarism and vulnerability of my class teacher, PERFILOVA Maria Michajlovna, converted me from a good school pupil and a promising
young musician into a person without future, persecuted by KGB. She was a communist party member and an outraged careerist. She took one of my school essays
and took it to KGB. She also made an open public court over me at the school, not waiting for KGB command. Officially KGB rejected her accusations. They found
nothing, which could be considered as anti-Sovetism, in my composition. But in ex-USSR an obstruction, which Perfilova made me at school, and the very fact that she
was in KGB building to report on me was enough to devastate my whole life and to cause what it caused. It is also possible that rejecting Perfilova (what made her
insane) they secretly put my name on their black list already by then.
2.2. I was prevented from becoming a student of a Music College or university, and later, when I entered music studies by a miracle and graduated, I was prevented
from a good musical carrier. In 1979 I was brutally beaten because of an order from KGB. During many years my social and professional status, my health, my privacy,
my security, even my freedom and my life were every minute under a threat. Nobody knows what I came through -, and did not become an alcoholic, or sadist, and
never violated any criminal rule.
2.3. Because I felt more secure among other persecuted people, I started to cooperate with a number of human rights groups and movements and with some other
groups and organizations. Most of them were non-conformist art and poetry \ prose groups. I formed my own poetry circle where I was a leader. I also organized a
movement in opposition to ideologically motivated demolition or levelation of Bobruysk's 18-19 century architecture, mostly Jewish. I organized mass photographing
of the center of Bobruysk. The local authorities have unofficially forbidden that. "Militia" several times arrested my supporters, and me, our photo films were
confiscated. Only in the end of 1980-s I contacted Mr. V. Senderov, Mr. V. Batcshev, Mrs. Elena Bonner and other world-famous dissidents and human rights activists,
and also correspondents of the west media in Moscow. Only by then I already had permanent contacts with some representatives of foreign parliaments and
embassies, but never with any intelligence. I also maintained close cooperation with two different forces: Frankfurt-based NTS and National Front of Belarus.
2.4. As a person who was deeply involved in the cultural self-determination process of the Soviet Jews I also was the first activist in Belarus, who combined several
goals together. They were: studies of Yiddish and Hebrew languages and the Jewish history, revitalization of Bobruysk's Jewish cultural and historical heritage,
restoration of Jewish religious community, foundation of a Jewish club, newspaper, theatre, and schools. Nobody - except me - believed by then that it might be
possible. My poetry in Yiddish was published in "Sovetisch Hiemland" (Moscow) and "Der Arbeiter Stimme" (Warsaw). I also became a co-editor of one underground
Jewish magazine, based in Minsk. I also became known in cultural circles in Moscow and Leningrad (St.-Petersburg). I maintained contacts with the most famous
personalities like composer D. Shostakovich, poet A. Voznesensky, singers like V. Tolkunova, or L. Leshchenko, and others. In Minsk (where I studied and worked 2
times a week) I maintained almost close relationship with the whole cultural elite: composers (D.Smolski, L. Obeliovich, G. Vagner, U. Semeniako, and others),
historians (Tarasov, Zenon Pozdniak (later leader of the National Front), V. Posse, my relative, A. Gritzkievich, O. Dadiomova), pop-rock musicians, and so on.
2.5. During short periods of time (in 1986-87) it looked like persecutions against me were suspended or lightened. But in the same period of time I started to be
persecuted by another political force - by Israeli missionary stuff in Minsk and Bobruysk. By that time my brother Vitaly - a talented painter and brilliant businessman
organized one of the first free ("capitalist") enterprises in Belarus. I was an administrator of one of its section, which arranged invitation of famous artists for tours in
Minsk and Bobruysk. So, my brother, Mr. Pinchas Plotkin, an Yiddish poet, I, Mr. Marat Kurtzer, and Igor Gorelik - we formed a first circle, which achieved good results in
restoring Jewish life in Bobruysk. A course of Yiddish, a library, a club, and other activities became a reality and refreshed the local Jewish life. This was what Israelis
did not want to allow. They wanted to eliminate the whole Jewish social and cultural life in ex-USSR. They suggested that if life in USSR would become non-attractive
for the Jews, they could more easily leave for Israel. They also did everything to terrify Jewish population by rumors about pogroms, and by other exaggerations.
Missioners like J. EDEL, Arie ROTENBERG, or Dorit HE came to USSR to arrange total control over the local Jewish life and to put down any competitive power. I new
dozens of other missioners who came to Minsk and Bobruysk to devastate local Jewish life and to jeopardize mass migration to Israel. They often expressed their
hatred towards Soviet Jews.
2.6. Israelis started to build their own activist infrastructure, alternative to ours. They attracted young aggressive careerists, convincing them that they are totally
protected, could commit any crimes - and go unpunished. Those boys and girls in their 20-s like Boris Kagan, Dmitry Levin, Vova Kazinetz, Z. Fridburg and others were
nothing without Israeli leadership. Their local leader became Ilia Rodov, my brother's school colleague. Rodov became a known local figure only because my
brother's, and my help. My brother Vitaly helped him in everything during their studies at the Art College, he presented Rodov to prominent and influential people, and
even helped him by giving him money or work at his enterprise. Rodov was a well-known collaborationist: he cooperated with the communist authorities. He also was
considered in intellectual circles as KGB informer and "comsomol" activist. He often accused and "denounced" Jewish "nationalists." But very soon he rapidly
changed his views, expressing interest to Yiddish culture (when the group of Yiddishists was the most powerful in Bobruysk). When the influence of Israelis
increased, he rapidly changed his opinion again "denouncing" Yiddish and calling to "forget Yiddish and study Hebrew." He was supported not only by Israelis, but by
the local communist authorities as well.
2.7. Even by then I already suspected close cooperation between Israelis -and local communist authorities. When Bobruysk was a military zone, and a special
authorization was needed for foreigners to visit that city, Israelis went to Bobruysk easily. They also had free meetings with people, which was impossible for any other
foreigners, for example, for Finish Baptist missioners. They openly called people to emigrate to Israel using lie, deception, threats and profanation. They did
everything to discredit my group, and me. Rodov's group has the full freedom to operate and to work with people. We were stopped by the authorities, disrupted and
persecuted. Supported by the communists Rodov announced himself as a chairman, avoiding open and free elections and his followers formed local "Jewish
council." People - like me - who restored the Jewish life and created the Jewish club, were expelled from that life and from that club.
2.8. As soon as they seized the power, "Rodovers" started to suppress all activities and cultural events in the Jewish society. They ruined everything that we created:
very soon, including Yiddish course and all other courses and activities. They concentrated only on pro-Israeli propaganda and propaganda of immigration to Israel,
Hebrew course and religious propaganda. When religious in Israel became the most influential force in institutions, which maintained work among potential immigrants
in USSR, Rodov supporters converted themselves into ultra-orthodox. (Before that they were fighting atheists). They also used to confiscate the huge wave of help,
gifts, money, which was streaming from the west Jewish communities to Soviet Jews. They have stolen about one thousand valuable gift sets from Baptist community
of Finland to the local Jewish community. That gift was handed over through Iakov Gutman, an independent from Israelis leader of Minsk's Jews, to me. The sets were
given for free delivery. I wanted to deliver them directly from my home to the people in exchange of their signatures in confirmation that they got them free. But Rodov's
group forced me (and Iakov Gutman) to hand them over to the club, using dirty manipulations. Rodov and his group sold the sets as their private property. They openly
violated the criminal code not only by then. They also robbed our Jewish library 2 times, they threaten people by death, they corrupted local officials, and they
demanded money from people for information about Israel and for Israeli visas. They also demanded money for the "club needs", threatening people that - if they
would refuse, they would be punished in Israel. Israelis also paid them for their services. In ex-USSR, where an imported TV with video could be almost as valuable as
an apartment, they got expensive valuable things from Israelis as gifts. I suspect that they were paid by money, too. A special telephone number was given to Rodov,
which enabled him to call Israeli embassy in Moscow and to Israel for free (according to his own words, and I believe that it was true).
2.9. Rodov and co "punished" me in different ways. They spread discreditible rumors against me, they posed intrigues against me at my work, they threaten me, they
did so, that I was not invited any more to play in restaurants, on wedding parties, in dancing clubs, and so on, they tried to confront my wife with me. I am absolutely sure
that Rodov's actions against me were correlated with the persecutions, which I faced from the local authorities. In Minsk I used to visit Mr. Garik Chajtovich, - my friend
and a kind person. He was a Jewish activist and Hebrew teacher. Practically all the Israeli missioners have visited him. I met few high-ranked Israeli representatives
through Garik or in his place several times and spoke to them. I tried to convince them that they should stop supporting odious persons like Rodov and to stop
suppressing the development of Jewish cultural life in USSR. They usually answered that their priority is to convince people to leave for Israel, and they do not care
about anything else. But one time I got an unusual answer. The man who gave it to me was a very important person. I could admit how Garik respect and treat him.
Even Israelis who were with this man obeyed him. He told me that I have to stop talking about such things. He also told me that he has a pity to me because, according
to him, I would pay a high price for my "nihilism" and freethinking, my family, my relatives would suffer, and my life will become miserable...
2.10. Because with time people were convinced that Rodov is a crook, and were too angry on him, I, brothers Strupinsky, Marat Kurtzer and others took the power in our
own hands, discharging Rodov and his company. Only then I understood very soon that the problem was not in Rodov. Without him Israelis have found other ways to
achieve their goals. And very soon my position became as weak as before. Israelis also took revenge in Minsk, displacing Iakov Gutman, the main figure in
opposition to their policy in Belarus.
Now nothing might stop them from forcible (in the deeper sense) transportation of hundred of thousands Jews from Belarus to Israel.
2.11. From 1988 my brother's health became more and more bad. He has a blood cancer, but I was sure that his disease was caused because he was exposed to
radiation. During many month doctors Kustanovich (she died recently in USA from cancer), Cherny and Petrusha did not report Vitaly's bad blood tests. They also
accused him in simulating to "avoid military service" and threaten to kill him. Since he became sick I fought to get his true diagnose and to win an appropriate treatment
for him. In the end of 1987 we understood that for saving my brother's life we have to move to one of the West countries. I tried to get an immigration visa to US, but
America was "closed" very soon because of a treaty, which Israel demanded: about leaving the only one way for Soviet Jews - only to Israel. I also tried to get a visa
in the German embassy, but it was too late. Then we had to request a visa only from Israel. We did all necessary steps to obtain it, but we did not get any visas.
Hundreds of people whom I helped to get visas (I told them that I do not recommend them to go to Israel, but they kept asking me with passion, and I helped them) got
them, but not my brother and me. Even Genady Shulman, one from the Rodov's group, who was kind to us and arranged visas for thousands of people, could not
obtain visas for my brother, and me. I went to Moscow, to Israeli embassy, where they knew me very good as one of the activists and where I always had an access to,
and spoke to Ambassador Mr. Levin, but without any result.
In 1988 Israel have submitted special visas-invitations for Jewish activists for a free trip to Israel. In spite of my detestation of Rodov I phoned him in an attempt to save
my brother's life (because he composed a list of names for these invitations). "What did your brother did for the Jewish movement, for Zionism? - he asked. Avoiding
tensions I did not tell him that my brother did for Rodov more then he deserved and that my brother put his business under a risk organizing Jewish events when the
local authorities did not approve them. I only asked him about compassion. "There are more valuable things then human life, - he responded. Later I had a chance to
see what these things are. Nobody from Rodov's group went to Israel with that free invitation, only Rodov's father went to Israel because he did small speculation trade
under the table, and used that occasion as a shield...
In August, 1989 my brother, and me, we went to Poland, where a blood test, which was made to him, had shown strange processes in his organism. In September I
started a new Jewish magazine "Vos Herzach?" and participated in a current issue of "CONTACT." My brother Vitaly gave his cafй (he was the owner) again for the
Jewish club meeting. In September also came a telephone threat that my brother Vitaly would die. In January 1990 another person called and told the same.
2.12. When in 1989 first letters began to arrive from those who already settled in Israel, their relatives discovered that Russian speaking people are persecuted in
Israel, that Israelis hate us and treat us as second-class people, many of the Jews in Bobruysk cancelled their tickets and visas. It seemed to be a total disaster for
Israeli plan to capture half a million or more Soviet Jews. But they have found a solution very soon. Somebody began to spread rumors about possible pogroms.
Every day brought a "reliable" information that Jews are in danger. Jewish cemeteries were vandalized everywhere. By that time I was a member of a group that
investigated this wave of vandalism. Most active members in that group were Baltic Jews. A small Baptist team and NTS representatives also participated. We
discovered that vandalism started in west regions of USSR and moved chronologically from the Northwest to Southeast. Pogroms in Muslim region were not known. It
was absolutely clear that a team of "vandals" traveled by train from town to town, from city to city, starting from Riga. They had a steady pace, so, Soviet authorities (if
they would want to stop hooligans) could figure out very easy where should be their next stop and next pogrom - and catch them. But the authorities did not want to stop
them. Israelis also used different methods to calm down information about vandalism. I personally (as well as others) took the description of our conclusions about
vandalism to Israeli embassy, but they became furious and refused to send this information to Israeli press. I have submitted the description about vandalism against
Jewish cemeteries (without our conclusion) to Washington Post and Chicago Tribune correspondents in Moscow, as well as to Israeli newspapers (enclosing photos
of vandalized graves), but no newspaper outside USSR published this information. I was sure that Israelis used their influence to prevent newspapers from that
publication. I was even more convinced about Israeli involvement when such a pogrom happened in my native town. Graves that related to non pro-Israeli activists'
were mainly targeted, when pro-Israeli families' graves were not touched. My father's grave was vandalized, the monument was broken.
2.13. I informed US president's special representative, Mr. Nikolai Petro, that Israelis are using illegal methods to force people to leave USSR for Israel. I also
contacted several US diplomats including Mrs. Daria Arturovna Fein. I met Daria Arturovna at hotel "Ukraine" in Moscow. She took a look at the photos and asked if
they are not a fake. I told her that I could give her an original film from which the photos were made. And I gave the film to her. She held the film several minutes in her
hands. I saw that she is trembling. After some hesitation she gave the film and the photos back to me, refusing to admit them and giving no explanations. I told to
prominent personalities in Frankfurt, in Warsaw and in Paris about these acts of vandalism, but they could not organize even a single publication.
2.14. In January-February 1990 I came to Paris hoping to obtain a visa for my brother. I was warmly welcomed by all Jewish organizations in Paris and Lion, which I
visited, and also by Russian immigrants' organizations, including NTS. They gave me money, shelters, they bought me train tickets to Lion several times. My French
friends also helped me a lot. I could not tell Jews that I do not want go to Israel. They supported Israel's plan to get from half to one million people from USSR. To justify
my request for help in obtaining the French visa for my brother I told them that during almost 2 years we could not get an Israeli visa. After that some leaders of the
Jewish organizations in Paris, including M-me Helman from COJASOR, proposed me their mediation in my request for an Israeli visa. They told me that Jewish
communities in France have collected so much money for Israel, that Israelis must listen to them. M-me Helman and others arranged a meeting for me with Israelis in
Israeli embassy. A visa for me and for my brother had to be given for me there. I knew that local AVIR in Bobruysk could not accept a visa, which came not by mail, and
could not give us a permission to leave USSR. But I had no solution. When I came to Israeli embassy, which situated down the Le Sacrй Coeur de Monmartre, they did
not let me in. I called the doorbell, and also phoned them several times with no result.
2.15. My brother Vitaly tragically died in May 1990. Half a year after his death I discovered just occasionally that the Jewish community in Lion have collected money for
his treatment and have submitted a medical treatment visa for him. This visa was confiscated by the Soviet authorities.... After his death I did not need an Israeli visa
any more - because I never wanted to immigrate, and from 1987 I understood very well that my place is not in Israel. Before my brother's death we sold some of our
property and did other steps expecting a visa from Israel, but now we suspended all such steps.
2.16. One day - when Rodov already left for Israel - one former "Rodovetz" called my doorbell when my wife was at work. I opened the door, and then he told me that
he missed my door with somebody else's. In that very moment another person have approached. He asked, "is Gunin lives here?". I recognized him. Living near KGB
building I often saw him entering it. I also saw him at the Jewish club where he was with Mr. Sheremetiev, local UKGB chairman. Ilia Rodov has invited him by then to the
club to read a lecture. Later I saw this man (who came to visit me) with Rodov in Bobruysk as minimum two times. He started to speak to me without entering my
apartment. He told me that I have to quit USSR for Israel within two months. He said that this decision about me is non-reversible and can not be appealed. I was so
terrified that I could not speak. But I only asked him what about Israeli visa. "Visa budet"" ("visa will come"), he told in response. And he also told me that I should go
directly to Israel, without tricks. 2 days after visas started to arrive. All visas - a whole package, - which were suspended before, came in 2 envelopes (see
Supplements, Documents # 20, a,b,c,d,e, etc. - total number is 11).. Where these visas were and who kept them, I do not know, but it convinced me that the
situation is very serious, and I must go. When after two months we did not leave USSR yet, such terrible, even monstrous events occurred that I understood: I must go.
2.17. It did not mean that I agreed to go to Israel. I secretly asked my friends in Poland to meet me at the Central Railway Station in Warsaw. I had to try to visit foreign
embassies in Warsaw, and, if it could give nothing, then we had to go to Germany (my friends had to buy us tickets to Frankfurt). When our train came to Warsaw, and
my Polish friends already approached to the wagon, a group of unknown people surrounded and captured us. One of them, probably chairman, spoke Polish with a
Hebrew accent. It was a big man in his middle ages. Mostly he spoke to me, and also an aggressive woman.
They were ready to take us with them immediately by physical force, but only the presence of my Polish friends made them hesitating. I am sure that they started
negotiations with us only to win the time: they probably used it to find out through Mossad sources who are my friends and what they able to do. They probably also
wanted to find out what consequences Israelis would have in case of an eventual scandal, what tactics to use against us, and what their supervisors recommended.
They disagree immediately to let us go with my friends. Meanwhile my friends called 2 Polish policemen. I told the policemen that I do not want go to Israel, I asked for
their help. The policemen told me that if I was agree to obtain Israeli visa - then I probably must go to Israel. Then I shown them a temporary visa for staying in Poland 3
days, and told them that only after 3 days I might be expelled from Poland, and not by Israelis... The policemen then went to hear what Israelis could say them. I did not
hear what they discussed - because they moved farther from me (my family stayed with the Israelis as hostages while I spoke to policemen), but when they finished
talking, the policemen left. We were taken to a hotel, completely surrounded and guarded by Israelis, from where we could not escape, and then - to the airport.
So, my family, and me, we were taken to Israel by force, against our will, this was a captivity! Israel is not our country. Our native country is Belarus, and we still consider
ourselves as citizens of Belarus. We are not Israeli citizens because that citizenship was thrust on us.
NOTE: I could support this statement by my declarations, which I made, when I lived in ex-USSR and in Israel. You could see obviously that these declarations were
written many years ago or even make a criminological test to define their age. They are: 1) My declaration to the procuratories of the both districts of city Bobruysk
(Lenin and Pervomay), and to the General procuratory of Bobruysk, in which I tried to protest my ultimative deportation to Israel. (1990) 2) My declaration about Israel's
illegal activity in Belarus (1988-89). 3) My declaration to the Israeli authorities (1991-1994). Please, take it into considaration ! ! !
NEXT DOCUMENT: Document Number 3
PREVIOUS DOCUMENT: Document number 2
For Mr. Louis-Phillippe SIMARD, Manager, Post Determination Review
FROM Lev GUNIN
(FILE Number 2948-6524/ 95/76/23/18
ID: 3082-7125/7174/7220/7231/7317/)
DOCUMENT NUMBER 3
TRANSLATOR'S SABOTAGE
3.1.The very first time went to Mr. Le Brune's office when we were in a hotel for refugees (YMCA) yet.
3.2.We also came to Mrs. Broder's apartment to "complete the PIF" and to "compose the story" in November 1994.
3.3.I told Mrs. Broder that I have already composed my refugee claim. And gave her the text of my claim in Russian and in English. I refused
to cooperate with her in "composing the story." She was extremely persistent and ultimate, but also flexible and cunning in achieving her
goals. When she understood that she could not break my will not to participate in "composing the story," she told us to come later. Between
that and the next appointment my wife was worked upon by Lucy (our relative, whose negative attitude towards me in ex-USSR and in
Israel scared me a lot in the past) and by Mrs. Broder. They told her that all direct or indirect criticism of the state of Israel must be excluded